July 26, 2025
By Xari Jalil
LAHORE
Despite decades of activism and legislation, the lives of Sindh’s peasants remain marked by poverty, bonded labor, and systemic neglect, according to the Hari Welfare Association’s (HWA) tenth annual report, The State of Peasants’ Rights in Sindh in 2024. The report paints a grim picture of exploitation and marginalization, even as rural workers form the backbone of Sindh’s agrarian economy.
Sindh, with a population exceeding 55 million, is predominantly rural, and nearly 38% of its population is dependent on agriculture, livestock, and forestry.
Yet, the report reveals that almost 60% of all peasants in the province are sharecroppers, most of whom are landless. A survey in eight districts found that 84% of rural households owned no cultivable land. “The system is still feudal in practice,” the report observes, “with landowners enjoying near-total control over peasants’ livelihoods.”

Legal gaps undermine progress
While progressive legislation such as the Sindh Women Agricultural Workers Act (SWAWA) 2019 exists, its implementation is lacking. The report criticizes gaps in the SWAWA rules, including absence of wage enforcement mechanisms, workplace safety standards, grievance redressal processes, and clear roles for inspectors.
Trade unions and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) petitioned the Sindh High Court in 2024 to compel the government to operationalize SWAWA. The Labour Department responded that rules were in the final stages of approval, but the lack of urgency betrays a deeper indifference, activists say.
Similarly, the Sindh Tenancy Act (STA) of 1950, a foundational law governing landlord-peasant relationships, has been weakened over time. A 2013 amendment shifted 100% of farming costs to peasants, exacerbating their financial burden. Reforms proposed by activists—including setting up peasant courts and reversing anti-farmer amendments—remain unheeded.
“The STA is outdated and heavily skewed in favor of landlords,” said Habib Khatoon, president of the Sujag Women Hari Trade Union. “Despite floods and economic crises, subsidies are paid directly to landlords, bypassing peasants.”
Corporate farming and water scarcity
The GoS’s push for corporate farming under its green initiatives triggered widespread protests in 2024. Civil society and farmer groups accused the government of selling out Sindh’s fertile land to private interests while ignoring the landless.
At the same time, water scarcity has reached crisis levels. New canal projects on the Indus River and the World Bank-funded Sindh Water and Agriculture Transformation (SWAT) initiative have sparked concern. Critics warn that these top-down schemes marginalize peasants and women by excluding their voices from water governance.
A water law proposed in 2024 failed to guarantee peasant representation in the planned Sindh Integrated Water Resource Management Department. “Without peasants at the table, any water policy will remain elitist,” said one water expert at a Hyderabad consultation.
Bonded labour: A persistent blight
Sindh remains a hotspot for bonded labor. In 2024 alone, 1,012 bonded laborers—including 620 from agriculture—were released from the custody of landlords and kiln owners. Children made up a significant share of the rescued, reflecting a crisis of child labor. Approximately 700,000 children in Sindh are estimated to be working in bonded conditions, largely in rural fields and kilns.
Yet, law enforcement fails to apply relevant sections of the Sindh Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 2015 in police reports. The report laments the failure to notify rules for the Act, despite a decade having passed since its legislation. With no labor officers posted in many districts, District Vigilance Committees (DVCs) remain toothless.
Women peasants lead the way
Despite barriers, 2024 saw a rise in women-led agricultural unions. With support from HWA and the Royal Norwegian Embassy, 12 such unions were registered under the Sindh Industrial Relations Act (SIRA), along with one umbrella federation.
“These unions are transformative,” said HWA President Akram Ali Khaskheli. “They give women peasants a platform to negotiate wages, working conditions, and dignity.”
However, government programs such as Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) and Bait-ul-Mal are criticized for fostering dependency rather than building capacity. “We need skills, not alms,” said one woman union leader at a seminar in Matiari.
Misrepresentation in assemblies
The report exposes how Sindh’s political structure is dominated by feudal elites who disguise themselves as businesspersons or agriculturalists. Of 168 provincial assembly members, 32 are listed as landlords or agriculturists—many hiding vast landholdings. Notable names include Nadir Akmal Leghari, Sharjeel Memon, and even former president Asif Ali Zardari.
“This misrepresentation perpetuates feudal dominance and blocks policy reforms,” the report states. “The Sindh Assembly does not represent the peasant; it represents the landlord.”
Calls by rural union leaders for political parties to include peasants’ rights in their 2024 election manifestos were largely ignored. The PPP, which formed its fourth consecutive government in the province, continued pursuing its appeal against the Sindh High Court’s 2019 pro-peasant verdict, despite earlier promises to withdraw it.
Labour code sparks backlash
One of the most contentious developments of 2024 was the proposed Sindh Labour Code. Intended to consolidate 21 labour laws, the draft code sparked outrage among trade unions for legalizing contractual labor and excluding informal workers from key protections like social security and unionization.
HWA warned that the Code would undermine protections for peasants by formalizing contractor-based employment that bypasses the realities of sharecropping and seasonal labor. Critics argue the Code serves investors and feudal interests, not workers.
Tribal conflicts and violence
Rural peasants are also caught in a web of tribal violence. From October to December 2024, 88 murders were reported in tribal feuds across Sindh, with Shikarpur, Ghotki, and Kashmore among the most affected. These conflicts disrupt agriculture, forcing entire communities off their lands and increasing economic vulnerability.
Looking ahead
Despite the challenges, the report offers hope. Through unionization, grassroots mobilization, and international partnerships, Sindh’s peasants—especially women—are beginning to reclaim space in the political and economic landscape.
“The struggle is far from over,” said Khaskheli. “But we are no longer voiceless. The landless now speak.”
The report concludes with a set of policy recommendations: withdraw the GoS appeal against the 2019 judgment; implement SWAWA with robust enforcement; formalize peasant-landlord agreements under STA; and harmonize the Labour Code with the realities of rural work. Unless these steps are taken, the vision of a just and equitable agrarian Sindh will remain elusive.
